Can Spain use the Strait of Hormuz thanks to its stance on the Iran war?

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Diplomatic sources at the Foreign Ministry have told ‘Euronews’ that the government is aware Iran is facilitating the passage of vessels with Spanish interests through the disputed strait, although there is no official agreement.


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The war in the Middle East has turned the Strait of Hormuz into a barometer of global economic survival: around 20% of the world’s oil and 19% of liquefied natural gas (LNG) passes through it.

Other commodities such as fertilisers, aluminium and chemicals also pass through the area, affecting the global supply of energy and goods. All this is causing clear instability on the stock markets and a rise in petrol prices.

Against this backdrop, as Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu step up military pressure on the ayatollahs’ regime, Pedro Sánchez’s government in Spain has emerged as the nemesis of the war‑driven policies of Washington and Tel Aviv.

Sánchez has established himself as the leading European critic of the US strategy of “maximum pressure”, even hinting that Europe’s position has aligned with Spain’s ‘no to war’ stance.

While he is facing electoral defeats in Spain – so far this year the PSOE has lost in Extremadura, Aragon and Castile and León – his popularity is falling among the public; his inner circle has been shaken by legal cases and, for the third year running, he has failed to present the General State Budget. President Sánchez has decided to focus his attention on foreign policy, with his ‘no to war’ stance on Iran, reducing a conflict that goes far beyond slogans.

The end of freedom of navigation: Hormuz as a political weapon

The Strait of Hormuz is a chokepoint controlled by Iran’s Revolutionary Guard. Tehran has moved from total closure to a strategy of “selective blockade”: the strait is open to all, except those whom Iran regards as its enemies.

In this context, Spain’s position would be both privileged and dangerous, as Pedro Sánchez has become a praised figure within Iran’s theocratic regime, which has even used the image of the Spanish prime minister on Iranian missiles.

Numerous comments on social media, along with reports in mid‑tier international media, suggest that ships flying the Spanish flag have a green light to sail through this area. While there is no official information on this, government sources have confirmed to this outlet that “off the record, they do know that this has indeed happened in some instances” and that such vessels have passed through.

This favourable treatment would be a response to Sánchez’s policy of “neutrality”. He has not only refused to join the US‑led military coalition (although he did send the frigate Cristóbal Colón to Cyprus to defend Europe’s borders and maintains Spain’s participation in missions to defend NATO allies), but has also banned the use of the Rota and Morón bases, unleashing the anger and criticism of the Trump administration and the Israeli government, who see this as support for a dictatorial regime seen as dangerous for the West because of its nuclear programmes.

The Algerian connection: Albares’ energy shield

The risks of sailing through Hormuz have forced Madrid to look for a plan B to guarantee gas supplies. After years of tension with Algiers over the Sánchez government’s change of position on Western Sahara and its support for Morocco’s plan for the area, foreign minister José Manuel Albares has begun a trip to Algeria to sign new contracts, reduce dependence on Middle Eastern supplies and keep energy prices low.

Although Spain is not highly dependent on energy supplies that pass through Hormuz, the war is affecting price volatility in a market as globalised as that for oil and gas. Algeria is an indispensable source of energy for Spain; together with the US, it is the country’s largest gas supplier, sending a total of 128,500 GW/h in 2025 and accounting for almost 40% of total imports.

Implications for Spain in an open challenge

If this preferential treatment by Tehran were to be officially confirmed, the consequences for Madrid could trigger a political earthquake with repercussions across the EU.

The White House has already threatened to introduce tariffs on Spanish products and to withdraw its intelligence co‑operation. Trump has not hesitated to attack Pedro Sánchez and to question Spain’s role within the Atlantic Alliance. Israel, for its part, considers Sánchez’s stance to be “a reward for Iran’s state terrorism”, which has frozen diplomatic relations that were already strained by the conflict in Gaza.

While countries such as France watch Spain’s autonomy with interest, the Atlanticist axis may oppose Madrid’s acceptance of benefits from the Iranian regime. This “carte blanche” would give Sánchez a political victory tainted by the hand that signs it, since it comes from a repressive regime that earlier this year took the lives of around 30,000 people. It may be a fleeting triumph that ultimately results in Spain’s diplomatic isolation within the Western bloc.

Additional sources • Jesús Maturana

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